Sunday, 7 September 2014

Music comes first! 1D's new film puts firewall on personal lives following drug shame

1D, one direction, new album, new film, band, x-factor, harry styles, zayn, louis, popstars, privacy, Where We Are FOCUS ON THE MUSIC: 1D and the bosses decided they've had enough of looking into their personal lives for the past few years [GETTY]
Cameras have been following Harry, Niall, Liam, Louis and Zayn's every move over the last few months but I can exclusively reveal that most of it will end on the editing room floor.
Instead the movie will now focus on actual concert footage rather than their personal lives.
Execs decided to cut the fly-on-the-wall style recordings to protect the band's privacy.
It is believed even the DVD extras will be straight interviews with the boys rather than the more personal footage seen in the world conquering boyband's first film This Is Us.
The decision is a massive U-turn from when producer Ben Winston started work with the group in May.
However after the drugs scandal, Ben moved off the project and the film was refocused on filming the Italian gig at the San Siro stadium in Milan.
“For the past four years their whole lives have been documented and put under a microscope and they wanted to get some privacy back”
Source
A source revealed: "The film will be now presented solely as a music film.
"Sending Ben out with them to start with was aimed at getting their personal thoughts and fly-on-the-wall stuff, but the bosses and the boys just decided against it in the end.
"For the past four years their whole lives have been documented and put under a microscope and they wanted to get some privacy back."
The movie will be screened for one weekend only on October 11-12 before being released on DVD in time for Christmas.
This Is Us, which remains the fourth-highest grossing concert movie ever after taking £48.6million at the global box office in 2013.
The boys are expected to release their fourth album in November.

After Gaza conflict, Israel's Arabs fear rising discrimination

Israeli Arabs take part in a protest in the northern city of Acre.

During the war, some 1,500 Arab-Israelis were arrested for involvement in protests against Israel's policy.

Sep. 7, 2014 | 1:37 PM

JTA - Handcuffed to a wooden chair in the middle of the night, Rafat Awaysha still wasn’t sure what crime he had committed.

He had announced a demonstration against the war in Gaza in a July 11 Facebook post. Soon afterward, he received a call from the police, who came to his dormitory and took him in for questioning.

Released after an hour, Awaysha, the head of the Arab-Israeli Balad party student group at Ben-Gurion University in Beer-Sheva, thought the ordeal was over. But at 3 P.M. the police returned.

"You have the right to express yourself in a democratic process," Awaysha, 20, said. "You don't need to be in an interrogation for 12 hours for participating in a protest."

Awaysha was one of approximately 1,500 Arab-Israelis arrested for involvement in protests against Israel's operation in Gaza, according to NGOs and Israeli media reports. Mossawa, a nongovernmental organization that advocates for the equal treatment of Israel’s Arab minority, said that at least 70 Israeli Arabs were illegally fired, reprimanded or suspended from work for publicly opposing the war.

Reached by JTA, a police spokesman confirmed the total number of arrests but would not confirm or deny Awaysha's account.

Arab-Israeli opposition to the recent conflict, which ended with a late August truce, brought the predicament of Israel's 1.7 million Arabs into stark relief.

Community activists advocating for Arab-Israeli advancement and civil liberties say that most Arab-Israelis - even those seeking to integrate better into Israeli society - opposed Israel's Gaza operation because of the grave risk it posed to Palestinians there. An Aug. 11-12 poll by the Israel Democracy Institute think tank found that 62 percent of Israel’s Arabs opposed the war, as opposed to 24 percent who said they supported it.

Arab-Israelis "are not being patriotic enough for the Israelis, but at the same time they are called traitors by their own people because they are not joining the struggle against Israel," Thabet Abu Rass, co-executive director of the Abraham Fund Initiatives, which promotes Arab-Jewish coexistence, explained one day after the conflict.

Throughout the war, Israeli-Arabs faced discrimination from the streets, where Jewish protesters chanted “Death to Arabs,” and from the halls of Knesset: Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman called for a boycott of businesses owned by Arab-Israelis who participated in a one-day strike to oppose the war. Some Knesset members called for Balad lawmaker Hanin Zoabi, who was suspended from parliamentary activity for six months, to be punished even more harshly for several statements they called inflammatory. And last month, some right-wing Knesset members proposed a bill to demote Arabic from being an official language of Israel.

In a poll last year, the Israel Democracy Institute found that nearly half of Jewish-Israelis believed that Jews should have more rights than Arabs in Israel, and that nearly half would not want to live next to an Arab family.

Following the poll's release, survey author Tamar Herman said, "Instead of focusing on citizenship and Israeli-ness, [Jewish-Israelis] find it easier and more convenient to focus more on their Jewishness."

Sayed Kashua, a well-regarded Arab-Israeli Hebrew-language writer, made news this summer when he decided to move from Israel to Illinois. Kashua wrote about the transition in a Guardian Op-Ed titled "Why I have to leave Israel," describing his fears for his family.

"After my last columns some readers beseeched that I be exiled to Gaza, threatened to break my legs, to kidnap my children," he wrote. "I live in Jerusalem, and I have some wonderful Jewish neighbors, and friends, but I still cannot take my children to day camps or to parks with their Jewish friends. My daughter protested furiously and said no one would know she is an Arab because of her perfect Hebrew but I would not listen. She shut herself in her room and wept."

For Arab-Israelis, the climate of fear and animosity had intensified even before the most recent conflict in Gaza. Earlier this year, a spate of so-called "price tag" attacks targeted their communities. Perpetrated by Jewish-Israeli right-wing extremists in response to perceived anti-settlement policies, the attacks ranged from graffiti on mosques and businesses to tires slashed on Arab-owned cars.

Tensions spiked when Jewish extremists kidnapped and burned alive a Palestinian teen, Mohammed Abu Khdeir, on July 2 in a revenge attack following the kidnapping and murder of three Israeli teens in June. Outraged by the incident, Arab-Israelis gathered in mass protests in Jerusalem and northern Israel. Demonstrators blocked roads and burned tires, and vandals damaged Jerusalem light rail stations in the eastern part of the city. Demonstrations continued across Israel throughout the war.

Thousands of Jewish-Israelis, it should be noted, protested alongside their Arab counterparts during the war - and a handful of those Jewish demonstrators were arrested.

“More and more young people feel the democratic methods of struggle adopted by the political leaders of the Arab community haven’t been effective,” said Jafar Sarah, Mossawa’s director. “More and more people will take the risk of using illegal methods,” such as riots and violence against property.

Following a demonstration by Arab-Israelis last week celebrating the Palestinians "Gaza victory," Lieberman said Israel should treat the demonstrators "as traitors and supporters of a terror organization, to put them to justice and to give them the 'right' to stand for a moment of silence, as they did during the demonstration, in jail cells."

Biotechnology student Alaa Taha, 25, lost her job monitoring quality control at a plastics factory shortly after she was arrested at a protest on July 18. Her managers said they were firing her for an error committed months ago, Taha said, but she doubts that story. To boot, she said she still hasn’t received her the final paycheck or a letter of termination that would allow her to receive unemployment benefits.

“I don’t know what to say, but this is racism,” she said. “I went to a protest. I didn’t do anything. We just yelled and that’s it. This is a democratic state. Where's the democracy?”

Ron Gerlitz, co-executive director of Sikkuy, an Israeli NGO that aims to advance equality for Arab-Israelis, sees a tug of war between democratic forces and anti-democratic forces.

“The democratic forces are now fighting back against the attacks against the Arabs," he said. "Will they succeed in that struggle? I don’t know. The public has gotten to such difficult places that I hope it says it can’t be silent.”

Awaysha said that during his police interrogation, he was asked why his Facebook post called for violence (it didn't, he said). After he was handcuffed to the chair, he said, an officer from Israel's Shin Bet security service began to question him. When Awaysha tried to fall asleep in the chair after the interrogation, he recalled the police officer saying, “This isn’t a hostel.”

He was released in the early morning - and given a week of house arrest.

“They started saying, ‘We know where your father works, where your mother works, we know you’re a student,’” related Awaysha, a political science student who also was arrested last year for protesting a government plan to relocate Negev Bedouins. “They asked me to work with them. They didn’t get what they wanted.”

Did Israel Execute Jihadists in Gaza?

Bilal Telawi/AFP/Getty

WORLD NEWS

 
09.07.14

Did Israel Execute Jihadists in Gaza?

While official investigations are stalled, The Daily Beast reveals important new details about the apparent summary execution of Palestinian combatants.
GAZA CITY, Gaza—More than a month after The Daily Beast reported evidence suggesting Israeli soldiers carried out the summary execution of six men amid fierce combat in late July, there are no signs that the Israeli government is investigating the matter. It has declined to respond to repeated inquiries. The independent organizations Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, which the Israeli authorities have barred from Gaza, are unable to follow up in detail. And a United Nations investigation of abuses on both sides is barely under way.
The Daily Beast has continued its own investigation, however. And the picture that’s emerging tends to confirm the story of a summary execution, on the one hand, while undermining subsequent reports by some in the international presswho suggest the dead men, left to rot in the bathroom of a battered house, were merely innocent bystanders. Instead, they appear to have been hardened guerrilla fighters from Islamic Jihad who were trying to ambush Israeli soldiers when they themselves were caught, captured, herded into an abandoned bathroom and gunned down in an incident that, if confirmed, would be an egregious war crime. 
After repeated efforts, I was finally able to make contact with a member of Islamic Jihad who said he fought in the battle of Khuzaa and who presented a detailed picture of what happened from his organization’s perspective.
As we sipped Arabic coffee in a Gaza City hotel, the well-coiffed and slightly awkward man in his late twenties, who chose to call himself Abu Muhammad, talked about 23 ferocious days of combat, and about the last radio communication he heard with the six fighters before they were captured and killed. 
From July 16 to Aug. 8, Abu Muhammad said, he and the others were hidden below Khuzaa in a series of tunnels that he says are connected to other underground passages linking Gaza from north to south. He maintains that Israel, which made these a prime target, only managed to destroy a fraction of them during the war.

Abu Muhammad, occasionally staring off into the distance and clearly shaken, said he and the others had arrived in Khuzaa, which is right on the Gaza-Israel border, by tunnel days before Israel began its ground assault. 
In the beginning, fighters from Islamic Jihad joined with the Al Qassam Brigades of Hamas and the Popular Resistance Committees in a furious tit-for-tat mortar and rocket exchange with Israeli forces lining the border.
However, as the ground invasion neared, according to Abu Muhammad, an intense Israeli campaign that included bombing from F-16s and intense artillery fire killed many fighters. Civilians began fleeing as shelling intensified, but real panic began when Israel moved in its tanks, and the civilian exodus began in earnest.
During this phase of the fighting, the Palestinian resistance in the town hunkered down and waited as the Israeli shelling and aerial bombardment laid waste to one building after another in order to clear a path for tanks and jeeps. From the tunnels, the fighters could hear above them Israeli troops carving out the buffer zone that would eat up about 44 percent of Gaza’s territory and leave much of that area reduced to rubble. 
“After we had been in the tunnels about a week, with the Israelis firing mortars, they drove in with the tanks,” said Abu Muhammad, who apologized about his uncertain grasp on specific dates. He’d lost track of the days after so much time underground, he said, but he remembered, “There were around 60 tanks.” 

Only when Israel had positioned its forces around Khuzaa did the armed Palestinian groups begin their counterattack, according to Abu Muhammad. “First we targeted the tanks and the jeeps with IEDs,” he said mechanically, as if recalling a combat briefing. In the second stage of their effort to bog down and then repel Israeli forces, the three guerrilla factions launched a multi-pronged hit-and-run campaign from all directions.

“Some of our people would come out of the ground, attack the soldiers and then disappear back into a tunnel,” said the combat veteran.  “Others surprised them from empty houses,” he said. 
“The guerrillas found themselves in an all-out firefight at the entrance to the tunnel.”
In one of those brazen attacks, says Abu Muhammad, fighters used a shoulder-fired rocket to hit a house the Israeli army had taken over, killing two of the soldiers with sniper fire as they fled the building. He is unable to give an overall estimate of Israeli or Islamic Jihad casualties in Khuzaa, but says 130 fighters from his group were killed during the war. (Israeli intelligence puts that number at 182.)
When I visited Khuzaa on four occasions during and after the war, there were clear signs of an intense battle in the ruins of the town. Incoming and outgoing machine-gun fire covered homes and apartments near positions taken by Israeli soldiers. Israeli bullet casings littered the floors of the entrances to residences that were transformed into stucco barracks.
It is amid this type of all-encompassing urban warfare that Abu Muhammad appears to have borne witness to a perplexing, and very possibly criminal, execution of prisoners.

He is unable to pinpoint the date when he says his comrades were mowed down, but he recalls in detail the events leading to their capture and the last moments of their lives, broadcast over Islamic Jihad walkie-talkies.
He stares at the table, speaking softly as he describes how six fighters emerged from the mouth of a tunnel, adjacent to the town’s destroyed mosque and water tower, intending to lead a brief surprise attack on soldiers. Except, in this instance it was the Israeli army that had the element of surprise and the guerrillas found themselves in an all-out firefight at the entrance to the tunnel.
As the Islamic Jihad unit retreated towards the house where they would die, they messaged that one of the fighters was injured and that they were running out of ammunition. They barricaded themselves in the unfinished two-story home. Abu Muhammad heard a drawn-out firefight over the radio. He contends that another Islamic Jihad member watched the events from an adjacent house.
“The wounded resistance fighter demanded to be left at the entrance of the house to fight off the army as they came in,” said Abu Muhammad.
When I was in the house, I found a used medical kit with Arabic instructions in the room next door to the bathroom where the fighters were killed.

Abu Muhammad claims that during the firefight that used up the Islamic Jihad unit’s remaining ammunition, he heard Israeli drone rockets fired into the roof of the house. However, this did not square with what I saw. It is one of the few homes in Khuzaa with no signs of shell damage.  
“The Israelis first entered the house and began clashing with the injured fighter,” says Abu Muhammad, describing what he could make out from radio communications and what he says he was told by the fighter who watched from nearby. My request to speak to that fighter was denied by Islamic Jihad for “security reasons.” 

When the Palestinians ran out of ammunition, the army moved in. The Israeli soldiers grabbed the fighter in the entrance, “pulled him outside and shot him in front of the house,” Abu Mohammed says. “Then they went into the house with dogs. In situations like this there is no way for these guys to fight off the dogs. I heard their screaming and begging for mercy on the radio.”

Then the line went dead. Repeating the report from the alleged eyewitness, Abu Muhammad contends that Israeli soldiers removed the fighters’ weapons and ammunition vests from the house. “After that there was a long burst of fire from an M16, and then silence.”
On my first visit to Khuzaa I found two ammunition vests around the corner from the bathroom where six bodies were piled. The decomposing corpses wore the black pants and belts that fighters wear, although some were barefoot. They were being carried out and the stench of their rotting flesh and bloated guts made it hard to examine them closely. 
Bullet holes lined the tile wall behind where they lay. Israeli bullet casings filled the entrance to the house, where Abu Muhammad says the injured soldier intended to make a last stand before he ran out of ammo. 
Islamic Jihad is still withholding the names of its dead fighters, and while Abu Muhammad says the families have been informed, their identities remain secret for now.
While Israeli authorities have declined to address publicly this particular incident, which could be considered a war crime, an Israeli intelligence briefer did supply some interesting statistics to The Washington Post and a few other media outlets last week.  
The Israelis estimate the total number of Islamic Jihad fighters in Gaza to be roughly 5,200, while Hamas numbers about 16,000. (That is among a civilian population of roughly 1.8 million, half of whom are children and teenagers.) The 50-day Gaza War this year, which was sparked by a widespread campaign of Israeli arrest raids in the West Bank that was met with Islamic Jihad and Hamas rockets and terminated in an uneasy ceasefire, cost the lives of six Israeli civilians and 64 Israeli soldiers. The Palestinian death count, even by the conservative Israeli estimate, was 2,127. Israeli intelligence claims 341 were from Hamas, 182 from Islamic Jihad and 93 from smaller factions, while 706 were civilians, presumably including most or all of the 253 women and 495 children known dead. Israeli intelligence says 805 remain “unknown.”
The fog of Israel’s 50-Day war in Gaza has only just begun to clear and while there is still much mystery shrouding the battle for Khuzaa, the more the events take shape, the more grim they appear.

Israeli Minister Pessimistic on Cease-Fire Talks

Israeli Minister Pessimistic on Cease-Fire Talks
Israeli Minister Pessimistic on Cease-Fire Talks
TEHRAN (FNA)- An Israeli minister dismissed the prospects of expected indirect talks between the Palestinians and the Israelis in Cairo on fixing a Gaza cease-fire.
Israel Radio quoted the Zionist regime's Internal Security Minister Yitzhak Aharonovich as saying that he is pessimistic about the prospects of the talks between the Palestinians and the Israelis in Cairo, World Bulletin reported. The Palestinians and the Israelis agreed to resume indirect talks on fixing the cease-fire as well as other issues, including the desire of the people of Gaza to have an airport and a deep sea port, the release of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails and the reconstruction of Gaza within a month, according to Palestinian officials.
Israeli forces opened fire at fishermen off the coast of the Southern Gaza Strip September 2, in apparent violation of the ceasefire agreement reached with Palestinian resistance factions a week ago.
According to eye witnesses Israeli warships used machine guns to fire at their boats while they were sailing within the agreed-upon six-nautical-mile limit near Rafah.
Israel's recent offensive on the Gaza Strip ended with the announcement on August 26 of an open-ended cease-fire between Israel and Palestinian resistance factions.
The devastating 51-day offensive on Gaza left some 2,150 people dead and 11,100 injured, the vast majority of them civilians, while leaving thousands of residential structures in ruins.

Israeli group wants Hamas leader to face war crimes charges for Gaza executions

  • gazaexecutions.jpg
    Hamas militants executed 38 accused collaborators, and one Israeli group wants the terror group's leader charged with war crimes. (Reuters)
It was known in Gaza as "Operation Strangling the Necks," but the 38 Palestinian men and women accused of collaborating with Israel during the recent fighting were actually gunned down on the street after being bound, blindfolded and forced to kneel.
Now, a Hamas official's startling disclosure to Al Jazeera that the executions were possibly illegal -- even by the terror group's standard -- could force the International Criminal Court to take action, if an Israeli human rights group gets its way. The Israel Law Center, a Tel Aviv-based non-governmental organization that has long campaigned for justice for victims of terror, believes the admission is enough to put top Hamas leader Khaled Meshal on trial for war crimes.
“It is very important today to deal with the war crimes that Hamas is committing against its own country, against its own people," Nitsana Darshan-Leitner, chairwoman of the center, told FoxNews.com. "Executing 38 civilians is a war crime, and the court -- which has already expressed an opinion that they want to deal with war crimes in Gaza -- should enter this issue and investigate.”
"The courts should deal with these war crime executions.”
- Anne FitzGerald, Amnesty International’s director of research
The West Bank-born Meshal, who is officially the head of Hamas' political wing, has bounced around the Middle East. He lived in Jordan in the 1990s, before Hamas was banned from the country. He has since lived in Damascus, Syria, which he fled during the ongoing civil war, and now, Doha, Qatar. A bitter rival of the Palestinian Authority dating back to the time it was led by Yasser Arafat, his power has risen since 2007, when Hamas was elected to govern Gaza. Observers say he is firmly in control of the leadership in Gaza.
The executions were carried out shortly after airstrikes by Israel Defense Forces in retaliation for rockets launched from Gaza killed three top Hamas commanders. In one case, several victims were executed by masked militants in front of the Omari mosque on Palestine Square, one of Gaza’s busiest districts as worshippers watched. At least 11 were killed outside a police station. A so-called conviction letter signed by the “Palestinian Resistance” and posted near where some of the executions took place accused the victims of giving Israel "information about the whereabouts of fighters, tunnels of resistance, bombs, houses of fighters and places of rockets, and the occupation bombarded these areas killing a number of fighters. Therefore, the ruling of revolutionary justice was handed upon him.”
But senior Hamas official Moussa Abu Marzouk candidly cast doubt on the legality of the executions, acknowledging that at least some of the victims had been detained prior to the hostilities for other alleged offenses.
“Basically, they were already sentenced to death, but the execution was done collectively today,” Marzouk told Al Jazeera in an interview from Qatar. “It is possible that this step was taken to satisfy the public in this matter, without considering other legal measures that should have been taken.”
Amnesty International last month called for an end to Hamas' summary executions.
“This flurry of executions by Hamas is made even more shocking by the fact that the victims were sentenced to death after trials which, if they happened at all, were summary and grossly unfair,” said Anne FitzGerald, Amnesty International’s director of research and crisis response. “Hamas must immediately and totally cease its use of the death penalty.”
Darshan-Leitner likened the executions, videos of which have circulated on the Internet, to the beheadings of two American journalists carried out by Islamic State.
"These extremist Muslim groups are doing the same things; it’s ISIS in Iraq, it's Hamas in Gaza, and the courts should deal with these war crime executions,” she said.
The Center's suit was filed in response to a pledge from ICC chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda to investigate any alleged atrocities carried out in Gaza during the recent conflict. Holding Hamas responsible in the International Criminal Court, which neither Israeli nor Palestinian leaders recognize, could be a longshot. But the complaint filed with the court notes that Meshal holds a passport from Jordan, which recognizes the authority of the world court.
“Mashal is a Jordanian citizen, and Jordan is a member of the ICC,” read a statement released by the Center. “The ICC is empowered to exercise its jurisdiction over all acts committed by the citizen of a member, wherever those acts are committed. Mashal can be immediately investigated and prosecuted for these 38 heinous murders.” 
The executions were even decried by Palestinian advocacy groups.
“We demand the Palestinian National Authority and the resistance [Palestinian armed factions] intervene to stop these extra-judicial executions, no matter what the reasons and motives are,” said Raji al-Surani, chairman of the Gaza-based Palestinian Center for Human Rights.
Darshan-Leitner insisted that the Center is not doing Israel's bidding in filing suit with the International Criminal Court.
“We are an NGO," she said. "We could be any type of NGO; Israeli, American, or any other. We know that Amnesty International condemned these executions and criticized Hamas for doing it, so if Amnesty International wants to, they should join us and other NGOs and human rights organizations in this complaint against Khaled Meshal.”

Anti-Israel entity boasts of hacking 100 Israeli websites

Hacker message





A claim by an entity on Facebook using the handle "AnonGhost Official" to have hacked over 100 Israeli websites has made its way through an Israeli web forum to Iran's Fars News Agency, which attributed the alleged feat to pro-Palestinian "hactivists."
A survey of the list could not verify whether all the sites were genuine. For example, one allegedly hacked site was www.kibutz.co.il, while the official website of Israel's kibbutz movement is www.kibbutz.org.il. Verified legitimate sites were up and running when visited Sunday morning.
A few other sites looked hacked, but their web addresses could not be found through a Google search. For example, there was an anti-Israeli message on the website www.arena-a.co.il, although a search for such a website on Sunday turned up www.arenaa.co.il, which was working just fine.
The Facebook site also claimed on Sunday morning to have hacked the website of the World Zionist Organization, although a check less than six hours later found the site to be working.
A user on the Israeli web forum Rotter wrote in Hebrew on Friday night that a group of hackers called AnonGhost had published a list of over 100 Israeli sites they had hacked. The user wrote that he checked some of the sites and confirmed that they were hacked, though the user did not specify which ones. Then, the person left a link to AnonGhost's Facebook page bearing the names of the allegedly hacked sites.
A couple of users commented on Saturday that the websites were inferior or marginal at best. Another user called the hackers "script kiddies," a pejorative term referring to unskilled coders, usually juveniles, who used scripts used by others to impressive their friends or gain credit in computer-enthusiast communities, as described by Wikipedia.
Still, the dubiousness of the alleged attacks did not stop Fars from attributing to Rotter the assertion that the hackers had "breached and sabotaged Israeli and American websites last night." The user on Rotter made no mention of American websites.
"The hacking group, which regularly wages spates of cyberattacks on Israeli websites and personal accounts on the internet, threatened to resume its attacks soon," added FNA. "The group said its attacks are launched in retaliation to Israel's crimes against the Palestinians in Gaza, Jerusalem and the West Bank."

127 Palestinians detained in last week alone

Published today (updated) 07/09/2014 12:47
(MaanImages/file)
 
RAMALLAH (Ma'an) -- Israeli forces detained 127 Palestinians across the West Bank during the first week of September alone, a prisoner rights watchdog said Sunday.

The Palestinian Prisoner's Society said in a statement that the largest number of detainees were from Hebron district, where 28 Palestinians were taken by Israeli forces.

The statement said that 23 of the detainees were from the Jenin district in the northern West Bank, 21 from Ramallah, 20 from Jerusalem, 12 from Bethlehem, eight from Tulkarem, six from Nablus, three from Qalqiliya, and six from the Tubas/Salfit district.

The statement also said that Israeli forces detained 10 Palestinians overnight Saturday, of whom seven were taken from Hebron, one from Bethlehem, and two from Beit Sira village in western Ramallah district.

More than 7,000 Palestinians are currently being held in Israeli prisons, including around 2,000 detained during Israeli arrest campaigns over the last three months alone.